(Video) Iran: Masoud Pezeshkian: A Hardliner in Reformist Clothing

Massoud Pezeshkian," At the beginning of the revolution, I closed the women’s section of the university because male students were going there."

PARIS, FRANCE, July 20, 2024 /EINPresswire.com/ -- The National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) Foreign Affairs Committee in an article published that in the wake of Iran’s 2024 presidential election, Masoud Pezeshkian has emerged as the new face of the Iranian regime’s leadership. While some have attempted to paint him as a reformist figure, a closer examination of his background and actions reveals a different story one of a staunch supporter of the regime’s core principles and practices.

Supporters of the failed policy of appeasement are parroting the myth of “reformists” to justify the continuation of the policy of appeasement.

The myth is this: Pezeshkian is a “reformist” and under his presidency, the Iranian regime will change or moderate its policies. Therefore, the policy of engagement should continue.

Calling Pezeshkian a reformist and expecting a change in the general policies of the regime, specifically stopping repression inside Iran and warmongering in the region, emanates from the lack of understanding and recognition of the reality of today’s Iranian society and the fragile state of the ruling dictatorship, or is driven by the pursuit of specific political goals and specific interests.

The disastrous results of this policy, which has been the basis of the Western approach to the regime for the past four decades, are evident in the complex crisis the international community now faces.

The practical outcome of adopting a policy based on this myth is twofold: it amounts to complicity in further suppression of the Iranian people, and it enables the regime to intensify its malign activities in the region through its proxy groups while accelerating efforts to obtain nuclear weapons.

Pezeshkian is neither a reformist nor a clerical regime capable of reform. Khamenei, as the ultimate power in the regime knows much better that any step in the direction of reform, will expedite the downfall of the regime. Pezeshkian has publicly stated that his mission is to “save” the regime.

Facts

1. The nationwide boycott of the election farce by the majority of the Iranian people, despite the continuous efforts of Khamenei and the marginalized band known as reformists, marked a resounding no to the religious dictatorship in its entirety. According to the report by the social headquarters of the People’s Mojahedin of Iran (PMOI/MEK), based on monitoring 2000 polling stations in 248 cities, only 9% of eligible people participated in the second round of the elections, while the regime inflated figures were put at over 40%.

2. In the ruling religious dictatorship, the power is completely in the hands of the Supreme Leader (Faqih). According to the former regime presidents, their role is one being a mere functionary of the Supreme Leader. In the past 45 years, the presidents of this regime were often people who were falsely called “pragmatists” or “moderates” in the West, which resulted in massive and unwarranted concessions to the regime, all of which served the interests of the Supreme Leader, emboldening his policies of internal repression and foreign war-mongering.

3. Experience has proven that the velayat-e faqih regime has no capacity for any reform, and for this reason, the only way forward for the Iranian people is to topple the entirety of this regime. The nationwide resistance of the Iranian people also rejects any type of dictatorship, whether monarchical or theocratic. It is very telling that the key slogan of the nationwide uprisings in December 2017 and January 2018 was “Reformers, hardliners, the game is now over.” This clearly showed that the people of Iran no longer take such gambits seriously.

4. The death of Ebrahim Raisi was an irreparable and strategic blow to Khamenei, who invested in him a few years ago to preserve the system and resolve the issue of his succession. Like many dictatorships in their final stages, he even purged many of his closest allies.

5. The religious dictatorship is now at its weakest point and has no way out of the crises it is facing. For this reason, regardless of its hollow maneuvers, repression inside Iran and warmongering abroad, and intensified efforts to acquire nuclear weapons will continue with full intensity the regime’s survival hinges on them.

Masoud Pezeshkian at a Glance

Born in September 1954 in Mahabad, West Azerbaijan, Pezeshkian’s political career spans several decades and includes numerous high-profile positions within the Iranian regime.

His most prominent role before the presidency was serving as the Minister of Health, Treatment, and Medical Education during Mohammad Khatami’s administration. However, it is crucial to understand that in Iran’s political system, even those labeled as “reformists” operate within strict boundaries set by the Supreme Leader.

Pezeshkian’s history of conformity to the regime’s ideologies begins early in his career. During the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), he was responsible for dispatching medical teams to the front lines while also serving as an IRGC combatant and physician. This dual role set the tone for his future career, blending professional expertise with unwavering loyalty to the regime’s military endeavors.

One of the most telling episodes in Pezeshkian’s career occurred in 2003, during his tenure as Minister of Health. Following the arrest, torture, and subsequent death of Iranian-Canadian photojournalist Zahra Kazemi, Pezeshkian played a key role in supporting the regime’s false narrative to cover up the brutal murder of Kazemi.

Despite international calls for a thorough investigation, Pezeshkian claimed that his examination of Kazemi’s body revealed no signs of bruising or cuts on her face. He further stated that Iran had the necessary expertise to determine the cause of death, effectively shutting down requests for an independent international investigation.

Pezeshkian’s actions regarding women’s rights and freedoms are particularly revealing. In a 2017 interview, he proudly admitted to being among the first to prohibit the entry of unveiled women and girls into universities and hospitals. He boasted about implementing this measure in 1979, even before the mandatory hijab policy was officially introduced.

Massoud Pezeshkian, January 17, 2016

At the beginning of the revolution, I closed the women’s section of the university because male students were going there. I don’t want my mother to be examined by a man.

This is an Islamic country, we told the Supreme Council for Cultural Revolution, and now a man can no longer go to the women’s section, even now illegal things are happening that should not happen.

In the interview, Pezeshkian states, “After the revolution, we were tasked with purging the universities and hospitals. When I accepted this responsibility, I issued a directive (regarding women) that required them to adhere to these guidelines.

Of course, we coordinated this decision with the Revolutionary Court and the guys [citing the IRGC and the so-called Revolutionary Committees]. This decision was made even before the hijab policy was introduced. It was only two months after my directive that the government announced that these measures must be enforced.”

This early action demonstrates his long-standing commitment to the regime’s restrictive policies towards women.

Throughout his career in parliament, serving five terms from 2008 to 2024, Pezeshkian consistently aligned himself with the regime’s hardline positions.

In 2020, Masoud Pezeshkian condemned the U.S. decision to designate the IRGC as a terrorist organization and praised the IRGC’s downing of an American drone, describing it as a firm response to U.S. aggression. He publicly stated his willingness to wear the IRGC uniform again, emphasizing the critical role of the IRGC in maintaining national integrity.

During the widespread protests following the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022, Pezeshkian condemned the protests, warning against “actions that could lead to national instability.” This stance prioritized regime stability over addressing the legitimate grievances of the Iranian people.

Alignment with the Supreme Leader

Pezeshkian’s own words and actions in recent years leave little doubt about his allegiance to the Supreme Leader and his destructive policies at home and in the region. His statements during the 2024 presidential campaign and in the lead-up to his election are particularly revealing:

1. Unwavering Loyalty to the Supreme Leader:
Pezeshkian has repeatedly professed his devotion to the Supreme Leader. In a June 17, 2024 interview with Mashreq News, he stated, “I accept the Supreme Leader; I am absorbed in the leadership.” This statement leaves no room for interpretation – Pezeshkian sees his role as an extension of the Supreme Leader’s will.

2. Support for the IRGC:
Pezeshkian has openly expressed his pride in wearing the uniform of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). In a December 5, 2022 interview with the Student News Network, he declared, “I wear [IRGC]uniform again; If it were not for the IRGC, this country would have been divided and our work would have been finished.” This wholehearted endorsement of the IRGC, an organization known for its destructive involvement in regional conflicts, clearly aligns Pezeshkian with the regime’s core policy of destabilizing the region by expanding its terrorist proxies.

3. Praise for Controversial Figures:
Pezeshkian’s admiration for figures like Qassem Soleimani, a major general in the IRGC who was designated as a terrorist by the United States, is telling. In a July 2, 2024 interview with ISNA, Pezeshkian stated, “I consider Qassem Soleimani to be the pride of our nation and a thorn in the enemy’s eyes. He is a role model that if the youth would follow, we can solve many of the country’s problems with his vision.” This praise for a figure associated with the regime’s aggressive regional policies hardly aligns with a reformist outlook.

4. Commitment to Regime Continuity:
Perhaps most tellingly, Pezeshkian has explicitly stated his intention to maintain the status quo. In a June 10, 2024 interview with Aftab News, he declared, “We are not going to write a new program and announce a new policy in the country. The general policies of the Supreme Leader are clear and, finally, what the honorable government has done in the past based on expertise has become a law and, naturally, every government that comes to power must implement the development plan based on the general policies announced by the leader of the revolution.” This statement leaves no doubt about Pezeshkian’s commitment to continuing the policies set forth by the Supreme Leader.

5. Support for Regional “Resistance”:
Pezeshkian has also aligned himself with Iran’s controversial foreign policy stance. In a July 8, 2024 statement to ISNA News Agency, he affirmed, “The Islamic Republic of Iran has always supported the resistance of the people of the region against the illegitimate Zionist regime. The support of the resistance is rooted in the fundamental policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the ideals of Imam Khomeini (RA), and the guidelines of the Supreme Leader and will continue with strength.” This statement indicates Pezeshkian’s support for the regime’s interventionist policies in the region, which have been a source of international tension and a pillar of the regime’s survival.

6. Continuation of Restrictive Social Policies:
Pezeshkian’s views on social issues, particularly regarding women’s rights, have not softened over time. In recent statements, he has reiterated his belief that “women and girls should be ‘educated’ by men, the clergy, and mosques.” This perspective aligns closely with the regime’s most suppressive and misogynist policies and contradicts any notion of Pezeshkian as a reformist figure.

Pezeshkian’s Litmus Test

To be considered a true reformist, Pezeshkian must carry out the following actions. If he is unwilling or unable to take these steps, he is merely a deceiver and a hardliner masquerading as a reformist.

1. Announcing the abolition of the compulsory hijab.
2. The release of all political prisoners and the opening of the prisons to international fact-finding commissions.
3. Abolition of the death sentence and any torture and inhumane punishments such as whipping, hand amputation, and eye gouging.
4. Cancellation of internet restrictions and filtering.
5. Removing the representatives of the Supreme Leader and the Basij and IRGC and intelligence and security from the universities.
6. Dismantling the “revolutionary courts.”
7. Ending warmongering and ending support for proxy groups.

The portrayal of Masoud Pezeshkian as a reformist candidate is a myth that crumbles under scrutiny. His long career within the Iranian regime, marked by consistent support for its most suppressive policies and persistent allegiance to Khamenei, paints a picture of a hardline loyalist rather than a reformer. Pezeshkian’s own words, particularly in the lead-up to and following his election as president, leave no doubt about his alignment with the Supreme Leader and the most conservative elements of the Iranian government.

Some remarks by Pezeshkian:

Aftab News – June 10, 2024
Masoud Pezeshkian: We are not going to write a new program and announce a new policy in the country. The general policies of the Supreme Leader are clear and, finally, what the honorable government has done in the past based on expertise has become a law and, naturally, every government that comes to power must implement the development plan based on the general policies announced by the leader of the revolution.

Mashreq News – June 17, 2024
Masoud Pezeshkian: I accept the Supreme Leader; I am absorbed in the leadership. Maybe it’s not right from your point of view, it’s not right, but you have no right to disrespect someone I believe in.

ISNA News Agency (Regime Academic Jihad) – 8 July 2024
The Islamic Republic of Iran has always supported the resistance of the people of the region against the illegitimate Zionist regime. The support of the resistance is rooted in the fundamental policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the ideals of Imam Khomeini (RA), and the guidelines of the Supreme Leader and will continue with strength.

ISNA – July 2, 2024
“I consider Qassem Soleimani to be the pride of our nation and a thorn in the enemy’s eyes. He is a role model that if the youth would follow, we can solve many of the country’s problems with his vision.

Student News Network, December 5, 2022
Pezeshkian: I wear an army uniform again; If it were not for the IRGC, this country would have been divided and our work would have been finished.

Raja News – July 1, 2024
Masoud Pezeshkian, November 27, 1993: At the beginning of the revolution, I was in charge of cleansing the society, the hijab had not yet been discussed, and I made the hijab compulsory in hospitals and universities.

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Shahin Gobadi
NCRI
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The death of Ebrahim Raisi was an irreparable and strategic blow to the Iranian regime, to preserve the system and resolve the issue of his succession.